Akbar Siddiqui
Recently, the interim government of Bangladesh has banned the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League (AL). According to the government notification, the BCL has been involved in activities detrimental to public security, including murder, torture, and oppression of students in dormitories, informally known as “gono rooms.” Many students live in cramped conditions within these rooms.
The notification alleges that the BCL has engaged in various crimes since the country’s independence, particularly over the past 15 years of what is described as AL’s autocratic rule. These offenses include taking bribes for dormitory placements, manipulating tenders, and perpetrating rape and sexual harassment against women. Evidence and information regarding these crimes have been extensively covered by the media, with some BCL leaders and activists convicted in court.
During the student protests in July of this year, BCL leaders reportedly attacked demonstrators indiscriminately, resulting in the deaths of hundreds and endangering many more lives.
It is notable that no other country has a student wing directly affiliated with a political party. While students may engage in political activism around national issues or advocate for their rights—such as fighting against discriminatory quota systems—they do so independently, not as formal wings of political parties. Historically, students have mobilized during national crises, reflecting the concerns of an engaged citizenry.
Students enter educational institutions to pursue degrees that prepare them to serve the nation as researchers, innovators, teachers, scientists, doctors, engineers, and lawyers. Involvement in student politics often detracts from their education, diverting time and resources toward unproductive and sometimes illegal activities dictated by political agendas.
Student politics in Bangladesh is frequently reactive, confrontational, and violent. Student organizations often act as arms of their respective political parties, contributing to political clashes and factional feuds that have resulted in numerous fatalities and a severely hampered academic environment. Consequently, universities are forced to implement lengthy and unexpected closures, leading to incomplete classes and session jams.
In the past ruling party Awami League’s student wings dominated campuses and residential halls through violence and intimidation, securing unauthorized benefits. They control dormitory allocations, prioritize party loyalists, and exploit local businesses for free meals. They engage in extortion and manipulate tender processes for illicit gains, charging fees to freshmen for acceptance and pressuring faculty for job placements.
In Malaysia, following the amendment of Section 15 of the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 (UUCA) in 1975, students have been prohibited from membership in or expressing support for any political party or group deemed unsuitable for the welfare of students or the university.
Role of faculties in the university campus
Like many institutions in Bangladesh, the faculties of government-run universities have become arenas for advancing political agendas, particularly through undue promotions and benefits linked to political affiliations. This politicization undermines the educational quality of these institutions. Therefore, the formation of faculty groups aligned with any political party should be strictly prohibited.
Currently, Dhaka University has about 2,000 teachers, who are largely divided into two main factions. The blue panel represents teachers affiliated with the ruling party, Awami League, while the white panel consists of supporters from the BNP and Jamaat. The blue panel exerts significant influence, controlling positions from the vice-chancellor down to the hall tutors.
Although there are no official procedures for joining these panels, both have convening committees at the central and faculty levels. Participation in panel meetings is considered a marker of membership.
The Bangladesh University Teachers Network (UTN), which supported students in the recent protests former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s regime, has proposed reforms to higher education in Bangladesh. During a discussion at Dhaka University on August 19, the UTN advocated for the establishment of “modern universities that support freedom of thought and encourage students to ask questions.”
The network called on the interim government, led by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, to allow universities to operate autonomously and without political interference. Key proposals included holding teachers accountable for their classroom performance and decentralizing decision-making powers currently concentrated in the hands of vice-chancellors.
Despite the political constraints in neighboring India, which some believe may have supported Sheikh Hasina’s government to pursue its own agenda, we can all recognize the higher quality of India’s educational system. This focus on education has allowed India to secure a significant position on the international stage. Bangladesh could achieve similar success by implementing a strong educational framework to benefit future generations.
Political parties should voluntarily disband their student wing for a gesture of reform
If the national political parties that supported the anti-discrimination movement in July-August 2024 genuinely believes in reform, it should take responsibility by voluntarily disbanding its student wing as a step towards national reconciliation. Student politics affiliated with political parties is fundamentally counterproductive, and political leaders must acknowledge this reality. We do not wish to witness the emergence of another BCL in Bangladesh.
